The shootings, bombings, and screams of anguished relatives were largely replaced for days by relief and joy as hostages reunited with their loved ones and by diplomatic whispers of growing interest in a lasting ceasefire.
But while the United States and other countries push for a broader agreement, the rhetoric of the Israeli government and public opinion seems unclear: Sooner or later, the intense military campaign in the Gaza Strip must continue and will continue.
A four-day pause in Israel’s war against Hamas has been extended by two days. And CIA Director William Burns is in Qatar, which is hosting Hamas leaders and is mediating negotiations, focusing on ways to extend the amnesty so more hostages can be released, according to a senior administration official. The talks now include groups other than women and children, said a diplomat familiar with the talks, who said the proposal requires a pause of more than two or four days.
“Ideally, we should not return to the negotiating table but should agree to a longer pause to allow all remaining hostages to be released,” the diplomat said. This is just one of many pressures placed on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu: 4,444 from the United States, to moderate his military response; families of hostages, to prolong the ceasefire; and members of his far-right government, who refuse to accept any slowing down, regardless of hostages, in the fight against Hamas.
As the military operation stalled last week to secure the release of dozens of hostages, Netanyahu and his officials made clear that rooting out Hamas remained a plan.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a speech on Sunday that the suspension was “welcome” but that afterward he would “fully pursue our goal of eliminating Hamas and ensuring that Gaza does not return to its former state. “Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Helj Halevi said at a press conference on Tuesday that the Israeli military was ready to resume combat “today” if necessary, and would use the break to “learn” and “prepare” for dismantling. “We are working to strengthen the Hamas.”
Such statements come against the backdrop of tremendous pressure being exerted on the Israeli government from various sides. Following the October 7 Hamas attack that killed 1,200 people and kidnapped 240, a majority of Israelis support the overthrow of Hamas and the hostages, according to a poll released Friday by the Israeli government’s Israel Democracy Institute. More than 90% support the goal of liberation. But there is an underlying tension in this consensus.
The same survey indicated that 49% of respondents considered hostages most important, while 37% prioritized the overthrow of Hamas. The first group was led by families of the victims, who campaigned tirelessly for a longer ceasefire, partly because they feared their loved ones would die in the fighting. “We are aiming for the prize and we still have a lot of work ahead,” said Zohar Avigdori, whose sister-in-law Sharon Avigdori and nephew Noam were kidnapped from Kibbutz Be’eri and released. SATURDAY. He spoke Tuesday in a call with reporters of the families’ “determination that the separation will not end until the last hostage returns. ” But he admitted there was “concern” that that would not happen.
In fact, Israel has said it may expand its ground campaign to southern Gaza, where it has told northern residents to flee but where it says some Hamas leaders have also taken refuge. This raised concerns within the US government. According to Palestinian officials, the United States has called on Israel to do more to protect Palestinian civilians, who have so far killed 15,000 people, including more than 5,000 children. A senior Biden administration official said the White House does not want a repeat of the fighting once fighting resumes.
“We cannot reproduce in the south the type of large-scale displacement that took place in the north,” the official said in a call with journalists. “We do not support them moving south unless or until they can demonstrate a plan that takes into account the additional civilian life currently in southern Gaza. And despite the devastation that has wreaked havoc on the Palestinian enclave, the challenges of effectively removing Hamas from Gaza were highlighted in a video the militant group released over the weekend, showing it discussing delivered prisoners in a neighborhood of Gaza City that had been the subject of Israeli attacks in the days before the ceasefire.
The pause allowed Palestinians to return to normal life, with people setting up fruit and vegetable stalls and cooking on makeshift stoves, despite the grief and rubble of their lives. Gazans believe they need a more comprehensive ceasefire, and the war’s diplomatic mediators have expressed hope that a ceasefire could lead to one. But few in Israel expect anything other than a continuation of the war – and sooner rather than later.
At some point, “we will run out of hostages, or Hamas will want a new deal for men and soldiers,” said Aviv A.
Oreg, a major in Israel’s reserve forces who have a career included leadership positions in Israel’s intelligence agency, said. “And at that point, Israel will have to decide what to do. Right now, I think all Israelis support the war against Hamas. Finally, Netanyahu’s political future may play a role. He faces falling opinion polls and an impending trial on charges of corruption, fraud, and breach of trust, which he denies.
His retention of power depends on a fragile alliance with right-wing parties, whose influence could be seen on Tuesday, as even during the temporary truce, his cabinet passed a controversial wartime budget change that would spend more money on the security of Israeli settlements in Israel. occupied territories. The West Bank is considered illegal under international law and its residents have been accused of increasing violence and intimidation against Palestinians. Given the widespread loss of confidence in its institutions after October 7, “Israel cannot stop the war without anything other than its goals,” said Uzi Rabi, head of Hamas. That is to uproot Hamas politically and militarily from the landscape of the Middle East.” manager. from the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle East and African Studies at Tel Aviv University. This poses special challenges for Netanyahu, he said. “For what? Because Israel must repair the damage and loss of trust in its own society.”
For people like Avigdori, this will not be easy or quick. “In terms of repairing the contract between the state of Israel and its citizens, I think it will take a lot longer,” he said. “We’re talking decades here.